اخر الاخبار
الرئيسية / اخبار / انفـــــراد : شبكة ميزرات تنقل تقرير السيد “كريستوفروس” المقدم إلى مجلس الأمن باللغة الإنجليزية .

انفـــــراد : شبكة ميزرات تنقل تقرير السيد “كريستوفروس” المقدم إلى مجلس الأمن باللغة الإنجليزية .

 توصلت شبكة ميزرات الإعلامية الإلكترونية  من مصادر غربية رفيعة المستوى بتقرير  الممثل الخاص للامين العام الاممي السيد”كريستوفروس”  المقدم إلى مجلس الأمن جاء فيه –

ملحوظة هامة النص  بالإنجليزية رسمي
بالإنجليزية.

Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General for Western Sahara
April 22, 2013
AS DELIVERED
Introduction
Mr. President, Distinguished Members of the Council,
It’s once again a pleasure to join you to review the search for a mutually
acceptable political solution, which will provide for the self-determination of
the people of Western Sahara. Today, I’ll address the period since mid-
March, when the Secretary-General’s latest report was completed.
I’m now well into my fifth year as mediator. While the Middle East-North
Africa-Sahel regions have witnessed events both inspiring and troubling, the
Western Sahara dossier remains frozen. I had hoped that the Arab Spring
would have a galvanizing effect, but it did not. Later, I had hoped that the
crisis in the Sahel would create a new sense of urgency, but it did not.
Thirty-eight years into the conflict over the future of the former Spanish
colony, Morocco and the Polisario continue to demonstrate an unyielding
attachment to mutually exclusive positions. Meanwhile, the families of
Western Sahara, be they east or west of the berm, continue to endure adverse
conditions and painful separations that now affect three generations, and the
peoples of the Maghreb are deprived of the many unrealized benefits of
regional integration. The need for a solution is ever more urgent.
A Different Approach
In my November 2012 briefing to the Council, I indicated that I had come to
the conclusion that to continue the negotiating process through periodic
face-to-face meetings would not yield results in the absence of change in the
domestic, regional, or international environment.
Over four years, I had made many attempts to induce discussion of the two
main elements of the Council’s guidance – the substance of a solution and
the means of determining the freely expressed wishes of the people
concerned. I created a less formal environment for face-to-face talks. I
encouraged the parties to address each other’s proposals. I identified
common elements for discussion. I proposed examination of discrete
subjects. All of these attempts met with failure. The parties preferred the
status quo to taking any kind of risk for the sake of a solution.
As outlined in my last briefing and in my later exchanges in the capitals of
the Group of Friends, I decided to try a different approach – that of engaging
in a period of confidential consultations and brainstorming with each party
and neighbouring country separately and resorting to shuttle diplomacy as
warranted. My hope in doing so is that I can induce them to move beyond
defending formal proposals and to begin thinking flexibly about the
elements of a possible compromise or consensual solution on the substance
and on the means of determining the wishes of those concerned.
The parties will have to recognize that it is up to them to elaborate both parts
of this solution – not the Personal Envoy, not the Secretary-General, not the
Security Council, not the regional organizations, not the international
community. They will finally have to accept that, in the end, no one will get
everything he wants if a mutually acceptable solution is to be found. This
will not be easy, and there is no guarantee of success, but it must be tried.
Travel to North Africa
Fortified with a welcome statement of support from the Group of Friends, I
travelled to North Africa from March 18 to April 3 and again from April 8 to
April 11 to confirm the willingness of the parties and neighbouring states to
engage in this new approach. In parallel, I endeavoured to pursue three
aspects of the negotiating environment – first, better Moroccan-Algerian
relations, as mandated by the Secretary-General; second, greater contacts
among Western Saharans; and, third, eventually, a possible — albeit unlikely
— supporting role for the Arab Maghreb Union. As in the past, the
Government of Spain facilitated an otherwise impossible travel itinerary by
putting an aircraft at my disposal, and I once again register my thanks.
Morocco
I began in Rabat on March 19, where, in the absence of King Mohammed
VI, I met with the Head of Government, the Foreign and Interior Ministers,
the Presidents of both legislative chambers, the President of the National
Human Rights Council, and the board of the Economic, Social, and
Environmental Council, which is drafting a full socio-economic
development plan for the south. All reiterated Morocco’s commitment to
working with the UN and its acceptance of my new approach. At the same
time, they reiterated their position: that Western Saharan autonomy within
Moroccan sovereignty is the only realistic solution and that Algeria should
be a party, given its diplomatic and military support for the Polisario.
Perhaps the most interesting meeting I had in Rabat was with legislators and
political party officials from the Territory. All had praise for UNHCR’s
confidence building measures and welcomed the idea of increased contacts
among Western Saharans. While they supported Morocco’s position on
autonomy, they demanded a greater role in the governance of that Territory
and complained that both the Moroccan Government and the UN had
excluded them from the negotiating process. Some went so far as to suggest
that the Moroccan Government and the UN step aside to permit Western
Saharans from the Territory and the refugee camps to work out a solution
using traditional methods of conflict resolution. Moroccan officials and
indeed the Polisario later called this scenario unrealistic.
On the margins of my visit to Rabat, I met with the Secretary-General of the
Arab Maghreb Union, former Tunisian Foreign Minister Benyahia. He
indicated that sectoral preparations for a summit meeting continue apace and
that Interior Ministers are to meet this month, but that the summit itself is
not likely to be held before 2014, both because of the need to complete
preparations and because of unsettled conditions in Tunisia and Libya.
Western Sahara
I travelled to Western Sahara on March 22 for my second visit. Once again,
the local authorities posed no difficulties with my program. Accompanied
by SRSG Weisbrod-Weber, I met at length with numerous Western Saharans
in both Laayoune and Dakhla, including the directors of the local branches
of the National Human Rights Council.
As in my previous visit, I noted three trends among Western Saharans: those
who are pro-independence, those who are pro-autonomy, and those who
simply want a better life. All were eloquent in stating their views, but,
again, it was impossible to gauge the relative strength of these three trends.
That said, as in Rabat, many told me that they feel excluded from the
negotiations on their future and yearn for more contact with compatriots on
the other side of the berm. Some expressed a lack of trust in the application
of autonomy and asked that the UN explore the types of guarantees needed
to ensure that Western Saharans would have the predominant role in
governing the Territory under autonomy. Others called for priority attention
to ending the human rights abuses of Moroccan security personnel and the
illegal exploitation of natural resources, to use their words. The local
directors of the National Human Rights Council in both Laayoune and
Dakhla lamented again that the local authorities are not responding to their
recommendations and that they are losing credibility with the population as a
result.
On March 23, pro-independence demonstrations on a small scale took place
in Laayoune. I did not witness them myself. I did receive a telephone call
advising that one of those I had met earlier that day had been hurt in a melee
with the police. Queried, Moroccan officials denied that any trouble had
occurred.
The Refugee Camps near Tindouf
I travelled to the Western Saharan refugee camps near Tindouf, Algeria, on
March 25. My first meeting was with young people, who confronted me
with a very different version of the demonstrations in Laayoune and
demanded that the UN take immediate action to address what had happened.
In this and subsequent meetings, I saw once more the growing frustration
and despair of the younger generations, for whom the UN has lost all
credibility. Some asked me to resign. Others called for a return to armed
struggle. Yet others said they were considering martyrdom at the berm to
force the international community to pay attention.
Polisario Secretary-General Abdelaziz and the other civilian and military
officials with whom I met agreed to my new approach with reluctance,
fearing as they did that the objective of “compromise” plays into Morocco’s
hands. They insisted that periodic face-to-face meetings must also be held to
give the negotiating process a public face. Beyond this, they were resistant
to a full-scale people-to-people dialogue. For them, there are no problems
among Western Saharans, and, by inducing certain people to suggest a
greater role for Western Saharans in the negotiating process, Morocco is
merely trying to divert attention from the need to engage on the core issue of
self-determination.
Mr. Abdelaziz placed a heavy emphasis on addressing violations of human
rights and the illegal exploitation of natural resources in the Territory. I
noted that any approach to human rights would need to include the camps, in
which violations had also been alleged. He denied any such violations and
reiterated the Polisario’s standing invitation for human rights monitors to
work in the camps.
Mr. Abdelaziz also warned that it is becoming hard to control the youth in
the camps because of their frustration. Some might well try to trigger
hostilities. In any event, a resumption of armed action remained an option,
as I had previously heard from Polisario military leaders. I argued
strenuously against any resort to hostilities, among other things pointing out
that the technology of warfare had developed since the battles that had been
fought in the 1970s and 1980s and that war would be a catastrophe for all
concerned.
As for individual refugee registration, an issue I again raised, stressing that it
is more important than ever to know who is in the camps, the answer was as
before: no such registration is needed — UNHCR and donors are satisfied
with host country estimates of numbers, strangers cannot infiltrate camp
society, and Morocco is merely exploiting this issue for political purposes.
Regarding claims that the Polisario has a hand in the crisis in Mali, all with
whom I spoke categorically denied any such link and emphasized that the
Polisario opposes terrorism and is doing everything possible in collaboration
with Algeria to make sure that Western Saharans stay out of the fray.
Mauritania
On March 27, I continued to Nouakchott, where President Ould Abdelaziz
reiterated Mauritania’s policy of positive neutrality and stated its readiness
to assist the confidence building programme by hosting future UNHCR
seminars of Western Saharans.
Algeria
On March 28, I arrived in Algiers for meetings with President Bouteflika
and his Foreign Minister and Minister-Delegate for African and Maghreb
Affairs. The President reiterated Algeria’s support for my efforts and
expressed hope that my new approach would lead to progress toward an
exercise of self-determination for Western Sahara. In a preliminary working
session, Minister-Delegate Messahel insisted that Western Sahara is a
decolonization issue that falls within the responsibility of the UN. He
repeated the positions that the President had expressed during my last trip,
i.e., that Algeria is not and will never be a party to the negotiations and, at
the same time, will not support any solution that does not include a genuine
referendum of self-determination. Mr. Messahel expressed doubt that my
new approach would lead to any change in the positions of the parties and
called for preservation of the option of face-to-face meetings, as well as for
Security Council action to push the parties to a settlement.
On Moroccan-Algerian relations, President Bouteflika deplored what he saw
as the aggressive stance of official Moroccan media on Algeria, but
reiterated his readiness to continue working to enhance bilateral ties. In a
separate meeting, Foreign Minister Medelci, perhaps reflecting the corrosive
impact of the Sahel crisis on bilateral relations with Morocco, noted Rabat’s
contradictory signals and questioned its commitment to improved relations.
Return Visit to Morocco
On April 9, I returned to Morocco to meet with King Mohammed VI in Fez.
Before meeting the King, I called on his Interior Minister to discuss the
events in Laayoune. He stated that he was aware of possible police
excesses, that he had opened an investigation, and that anyone found to have
committed abuses would be punished. He concluded that, in any event, he is
planning a full reorganization of the security apparatus in Western Sahara.
When I met the King, he expressed his support for the new approach I had
proposed for engaging on substance and once again called for Algeria to
play a more active role. However, the bulk of our 45 minutes together was
devoted to his reaction to the proposal to include human rights in the
mandate of MINURSO, a development of which he had just been informed.
He was deeply disappointed and regretful and stated that no justification
exists for such a proposal.
Next Steps
The next steps in the negotiating process are contingent on the results of
consultations now occurring on the issue of human rights and their effect on
the various parties both directly and indirectly concerned. Barring untoward
developments, my intention is to begin my confidential bilateral discussions
and brainstorming with the parties and neighbouring states in the latter half
of May. On the regional front, I am planning to visit Addis Ababa in
response to an invitation from the African Union. I may also schedule visits
to Tripoli and Tunis if I judge this useful. At the same time, I am looking to
pursue further steps toward better Moroccan-Algerian relations and an
expansion of the programme of confidence-building measures.
It is my firm conviction that, whatever the effect of the current consultations,
the parties and neighbouring states must remain engaged with the UN in its
efforts to promote a settlement. To do otherwise would do a grave
disservice to the families of Western Sahara east and west of the berm and to
the security, stability, and economic prospects of the Maghreb region. It is
time to move forward, not to pull back.
Thank you.

.

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